Reflections on the Recent Racist Attacks in Belfast

Féilim Ó hAdhmaill,

Belfast has long been a city divided, politically, culturally, and geographically, with distinct Irish Catholic nationalist and Ulster British Protestant unionist areas. Indeed, 26 years after the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, the north generally, continues to reflect such division in its segregated demographic patterns, often laid down during the colonisation process in the 17th century. Inter-communal ethno-religious rioting, burning and intimidation of the ‘other’ maintained such patterns over many centuries to such an extent that most of the native population know which areas are safe to live in and which aren’t. 

 The peace process brought a large element of ‘peace’ and prosperity.  For the first time in its existence, ‘N. Ireland’, had (and continues to have) virtual full employment.  Indeed, there are too few people to fill the jobs available.  The result has been an influx of people from other countries, to prop up the ailing health and social services, work in the universities and in a range of industries.   In Belfast, many have come to reside in the university area in the south of the city, and in its adjoining nationalist and unionist working class areas, some of which are close to Queens University and the City Hospital.  In particular, many (but not all) have found accommodation in unionist working class areas, as changing demographic patterns have led to a situation where an aging unionist population is no longer reproducing itself. This has led to depopulation, and a ready supply of relatively cheap rented accommodation in comparison to overpopulated and much more sought after nationalist working class areas. 

 It is in these unionist areas of Belfast that most of the racist attacks have occurred in recent years.  Indeed, since the early 2000s, official figures show that the bulk of ‘hate crimes’ against people because of their ethno-religious origin, have been directed towards those from other countries, particularly those with black of brown coloured skin.   Such attacks have not been confined to Belfast.  In July eight families were intimidated from their homes in Antrim town.  In the past year, there have been many reports of intimidation directed against ‘immigrants’, including the appearance of posters in a number of unionist housing estates across the north, in what appears to be an organised co-ordinated effort by some loyalist paramilitary factions. 

In the year up to the end of March 2024 the PSNI recorded 1,353 Race Incidents and Crimes, compared to 1,091 with sectarian motivation.  On Thursday (15th August) the Housing Executive reported that so far this year there had been 131 hate crimes relating to housing, 22 in the first week of August.

Whilst sporadic attacks against minority ethnic community residents have been occurring for many years, what caused headlines in the past fortnight was the organised march against the Belfast Islamic Centre and Mosque on Saturday 3rd August and the subsequent orgy of intimidation, beatings, and burnings of cars and businesses directed against people with black and brown coloured skin in the south of the city.  The trouble was apparently spurred on by social media posts from anonymous individuals.  It followed rioting in England apparently caused by ‘fake news’ reports that the person who had killed three children in an attack in Southport was a Muslim asylum seeker.  In fact, in an effort to counteract the ‘fake news’ the British police issued a statement denying the reports and a judge took the unusual step of allowing the publication of the name of the 17 year charged with the killings – an English born youth who was not a Muslim.  Despite this, anti-Muslim protesters blocked roads in unionist areas of Belfast on Friday 2nd August and on Saturday 3rd August and held a small protest at Belfast City Hall which about 200 attended, well outnumbered by a hastily organised anti-racism counter demonstration at the same location.  The anti-Muslim protesters then tried to march to the Mosque in the university area. Having their route blocked by police, they then marched unhindered through the area in search of Muslims, beating up people in the street and attacking businesses and wrecking cars well into the night.    

 What was particularly surprising to many unionists, as well as nationalists was a number of Irish Tricolours being carried alongside Union flags by those leading the march.  A small group of far-right activists, purportedly from Coolock in Dublin, as well as some local ‘nationalists’ took part, much to the consternation of most residents.  It was an action which was not repeated in subsequent racism inspired protests the following week. 

What was also striking, if not so surprising, was the difference in how nationalist and progressive political and community leaders reacted to the racism in Belfast compared to many leaders of the unionist community.  While all political parties across the spectrum condemned the violence, few on the unionist side were prepared to condemn the racism of the protesters. Indeed, a number of them, including the DUP Deputy First Minister, initially qualified condemnation of the violence with statements of support for peaceful protest with ‘legitimate concerns’.  This was reflected in the voting at an emergency session of the Assembly on the Tuesday after the riots.  While the motion which was passed simply condemned the attacks on ethnic minorities, unionists proposed an amendment , which was defeated, supporting the right to peaceful protest. 

 All unionists (except Claire Sugden, a moderate independent unionist) appear to have voted for the amendment and all nationalists and Others voted against.

 In marked contrast to the attacks in unionist areas of the city, on the day after the rioting (Sunday, 4th August) in the Lower Ormeau area, a small working class nationalist community close to the university area, organised a community festival as part of Belfast Féile.  The streets were full of people, with all colours of skin and ethnic origin.  Many of the events were organised by people from different minority ethnic communities - Chinese, Palestinians, people from Syria, and different African countries -showcasing their cultures.  All were welcome.  

 It was the Lower Ormeau community and their political and community leaders who, in the absence of the police, physically stopped the racists from marching down the road on that Saturday.  They did not use violence but were firm and disciplined in refusing to let them pass.

The next Tuesday evening, on the nationalist Falls Road, in the West of the city, a group of about 10 young people attacked a Middle East shop with eggs.  The local community, along with community and political leaders came out and stood with the shop workers.  (The young people were also identified).  

 Every political party in West Belfast - Sinn Féin, People before Profit, SDLP - issued statements in solidarity with the shop workers

 What this shows is that racism can exist in any community, particularly communities suffering poverty, lack of opportunity and a sense of powerlessness.  Picking on a weak, vulnerable scapegoat, as happened in Nazi Germany, may be easier than confronting the real causes of that poverty, lack of opportunity and sense of powerlessness. But it won’t solve those problems.  Indeed, we need people from other countries to provide us with health and social care services, housing, and to help maintain the creation of wealth in society, however ill-divided it is.

 It also shows that people power, with the good political and community leadership can stop this poison.  

 On the Monday after the rioting, Belfast City Councillors from every party were united in opposing the attacks on the Muslim community in the city.  They also voted to provide funding for businesses destroyed by the racists.  

In my view, it is clear that the vast majority of unionists and indeed loyalists do not support attacks on ethnic minorities in the north.  If they did, there would be many more sustained attacks.  They know that racism does not serve the unionist or loyalist cause any more than it serves the cause of nationalism.

 What has been lacking to date, however, has been community and political leadership to oppose such attacks in unionist areas.  Maybe that leadership is starting to appear now. On Friday, DUP Assembly Speaker,  Edwin Poots, no shrinking violet when it has come to attacking nationalism, issued a very interesting statement, in which he called on unionists to reach out to ‘pro-UK’ migrant communities.  Such an approach may seem like a double-edged sword to some.  What of those migrant communities who aren’t ‘pro-UK’, for example?  However, it might be the start of a move away from an ethnocentric supremacist approaches to a more rational form of unionism - based on politics rather than community identity.  If it is, it can only be beneficial to society here.

 Féilim Ó hAdhmaill is a lecturer in Social Policy and Conflict and Peace Studies at University College Cork.  He has had a long involvement with the voluntary and community sector in Belfast (including the Falls Community Council, NIACAB and NICVA). He is a former republican prisoner released under the Good Friday Agreement.