‘My recollections of events that led to the killing of innocents in Ballymurphy’

Irish News, Letters Page, September 3rd, 2024

“ If we continue to perpetuate the myths generated by communal conflict, discarding inconvenient facts that spoil our tribal narratives, we should not be surprised if we continue to live in a divided society”

I READ with interest Paul Ainsworth’s report (August 21) recounting some details from ‘A Paratrooper’s Journey’ by Matthew Innes about his experience as a young soldier in Ballymurphy in August 1971, when 10 innocent people were killed.

 I was in Ballymurphy at the time. I was a member of the Official IRA and spent much of the time helping with a pirate radio station, ‘Workers Radio’. I was not involved in any violent activity.

 I would concur with most of what Mr Innes is quoted as saying in his memoir. However, it is inaccurate to lay all the blame on the Parachute Regiment, although the article does provide a good insight into the mentality of some soldiers.

 It was found that eight people were killed by the British Army, a ninth person was probably killed by soldiers and the 10th was killed by persons unknown. There were other British Army units in the area as well as the Paras at the time and the only soldier whose conduct was reportedly referred to the Director of Public Prosecutions for one of the deaths was a member of the Royal Engineers. No prosecution has taken place to date.

 From my own recollections, the trouble began much earlier than the arrival of the Paras. It was when a gun battle erupted between members of the local Provisional IRA and the Springmartin Defence Association, which later affiliated to the UDA. I spoke to people on both sides either at the time or subsequently who confirmed this. All insisted that the other side started it. Members of the Official IRA participated in defending the area after the fighting escalated.

 It was the introduction of internment by the British government that morning which took the incipient communal violence to new levels and was a catastrophic mistake.

 It was the subsequent paramilitary firefight on the Ballymurphy-Springmartin interface that drew in concentrations of ill-trained, tired and frightened young soldiers, poorly led into what was already a free fire zone. The same could be said of the paramilitaries involved.

 If we continue to perpetuate the myths generated by communal conflict, discarding inconvenient facts that spoil our tribal narratives, we should not be surprised if we continue to live in a divided society.

 PADRAIG YEATES Portmarnock, Dublin 13

‘After 30 years of imperfect peace, we must finally deal with legacy’

Allison Morris, Belfast Telegraph, September 2nd, 2024

It has been a reflective week, one that I spent speaking to as many people as possible about the 30th anniversary of the first IRA ceasefire. Archives show the front pages were cleared for the only story in town — news of the IRA ceasefire and an end to a long drawn-out war that was all I had ever known.

The IRA statement read: “Recognising the potential of the current situation and in order to enhance the democratic process and underlying our definitive commitment to its success, the leadership of the IRA have decided that as of midnight, August 31, there will be a complete cessation of military operations. All our units have been instructed accordingly.”

It continued: “We believe that an opportunity to secure a just and lasting settlement has been created.

“We are therefore entering into a new situation in a spirit of determination and confidence, determined that the injustices which created this conflict will be removed and confident in the strength and justice of our struggle to achieve this.”

At the time I was living in Clonard in west Belfast. It was close to the Lanark Way interface and an area that had endured its fair share of sectarian violence.

On the day of the ceasefire announcement I started walking along the Falls Road to my mother's house in Andersonstown. There was a strange atmosphere — a weird energy.

People were hugging and celebrating, some were crying, others were asking what it all meant.

I had two small children at the time, the youngest was just a one year-old.

As I pushed my pram along the road the cavalcade went past, flags flying, car horns sounding - it was like a carnival parade.

The children were amused by the sights and sounds, and I was hopeful that it meant they would live a life different to my own.

That they could live free from the fear of violence, that our city would start to heal itself.

Those euphoric displays were — with hindsight — premature.

There was much still to do, many hurdles still to cross.

But what we did have was people in positions of power willing to work for change. People like Albert Reynolds and after him Bertie Ahern, Gerry Adams, John Hume, and the loyalist leadership with David Ervine, Gusty Spence, Gary McMichael and Davy Adams.

There was also Bill Clinton and the role the US played in helping negotiate peace.

The clergy, Robin Eames and Fr Alec Reid, who worked tirelessly for peace behind the scenes.

There are many others who acted as intermediaries, opened up safe spaces to allow negotiations without asking for anything in return.

My old boss at the Irish News, the late Jim Fitzpatrick, has been mentioned more than once this week as I've spoken to people about their memories of that time.

I've spoken to people from all different walks of life who played a part in those delicate negotiations.

Several have used the phrase “war weary” when recalling the mood at that time.

The Shankill Bomb, Loughinisland, Greysteel - the level of violence was out of control and seemed to bring almost daily misery and loss.

There was palpable fear, I worried constantly for the safety of my family and my children's future.

We look at the events of that time through a historic lens.

The first ceasefire didn't hold. The television schedule was interrupted for a newsflash announcing the IRA bombing of the London Docklands in 1996, signalling the end of that phase of the process.

A further push by all those involved brought about a second cessation and eventually the Good Friday Agreement.

We got to cast a vote for a peaceful future, it felt like we all had a role.

There are adults now, with children of their own, who have never known the Troubles. 30 years is a long time.

They have enjoyed a life free of violence but — depending on their postcode — not all have enjoyed the dividends of peace.

There are those who have been left behind, who have not enjoyed the prosperity and stability.

So much has happened since, and yet there is much still to do.

The absence of violence was always an aim worth achieving, but the peace remains imperfect.

A failing of the process was not giving victims the attention they deserved. Too difficult to deal with, it was a sore left to fester, and time hasn't helped heal that hurt.

There is a space currently for the new Labour Government to make up for those failings, we await their next move having put the repeal of the controversial legacy legislation in their manifesto.

We are now moving into the final phase of that process, and for the Troubles generation the onus is on us to leave the place better than we found it.

It is important that the younger generation get to live free from the burdens of past conflict. They've enough to deal with without adding generational trauma to the mix.